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  7 Quoted in M. H. Abrams, Natural Supernaturalism (New York, 1971), p. 328.

  8 Edward Dowdeen, ed., The Correspondence of Robert Southey with Caroline Bowles (Dublin, 1881), p. 52.

  9 William Blake, “The French Revolution,” in The Poetry and Prose of William Blake, David Erdman, ed. (New York, 1970), pp. 11-12.

  10 Quoted in Abrams, Natural Supernaturalism, p. 331.

  11 Richard Price, Evidence for a Future Period of Improvement in the State of Mankind with the Means and Duty of Promoting It: An Address to Supporters of New Academical Institutions Among Protestant Dissenters (London, 1787), pp. 5, 22, 25.

  12 Ibid., p. 53.

  13 Joseph Priestley, Letters to the Right Honourable Edmund Burke (Birmingham, 1791), letter 14, p. 25.

  14 Burke, Reflections. See below, p. 437.

  15 Ibid. See below, p. 431, and Burke’s Works (London, 1882), p. 310.

  16 Ibid. See below, p. 442.

  17 Ibid. See below, p. 443.

  18 Ibid. See below, p. 446.

  19 Ibid. See below, p. 446.

  20 Ibid. See below, p. 447.

  21 Ibid. See below, pp. 451-52.

  22 Ibid. See below, p. 448.

  23 Ibid. See below, p. 448, 450.

  24 Ibid. See below, pp. 457-58.

  25 Parliamentary History 30 (1792-94), p. 646.

  26 Burke, An Appeal. See below, p. 491.

  27 Woodrow Wilson, Mere Literature and Other Essays (Boston, 1896), p. 160.

  28 Robert Bage, Man As He Is (London, 1792), vol. 4, pp. 72-73.

  29 Priestley, Letters to the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, p. 112.

  30 Cited in Mary Mack, Jeremy Bentham (London, 1962), p. 347.

  31 Tom Paine, The Rights of Man, H. Collins, ed. (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1969), p. 71.

  32 Mary Wollstonecraft, A Reply to Mr. Burke’s Invective (London, 1792), pp. 98-99.

  33 Mrs. Henry Baring, ed., The Diary of the Right Honourable William Windham 1784-1810 (London: 1866), pp. 212-13.

  34 Quoted in Sir Philip Magnus, Edmund Burke (London, 1939), p. 195.

  35 Quoted in Boulton, The Language of Politics in the Age of Wilkes and Burke (London, 1963), p. 80.

  36 The Times (London) November 30, 1790.

  37 R. E. Prothero, ed., The Private Letters of Edward Gibbon (London, 1897), vol. 2, pp. 237, 251.

  38 Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Religious Musings (1794), Table Talk (London, 1835), vol. 5, p. 18; vol. 2, p. 147.

  39 William Wordsworth, The Prelude, Book 7, lines 512-30.

  40 James Prior, Memoirs of the Life and Character of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke (London, 1824), vol. 1, pp. 364, 564.

  41 George Croly, A Memoir of the Political Life of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke: With Extracts From His Writings (London, 1840), vol. 1, pp. 145-46, viii, 24, 3.

  42 John Morley, A Historical Study (London, 1867), p. 123; Burke (London, 1888), p. 210.

  43 William Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1891), vol. 5, p. 476; vol. 3, p. 197.

  44 Cited in T. W. Copeland, “The Reputation of Edmund Burke,” Journal of British Studies (no. 2, 1962), p. 83.

  45 Woodrow Wilson, Mere Literature, pp. 107, 128, 141, 158, 155.

  46 Arthur Baumann, Burke the Founder of Conservatism (London, 1929), pp. 37, 46; Robert Murray, Edmund Burke:A Biography (London, 1931), p. 407.

  47 Alfred Cobban, Edmund Burke and the Revolt Against the Eighteenth Century (New York: 1929), p. 12.

  48 Sir Lewis Namier, “King George III: A Study of Personality” in Crossroads of Power (New York, 1962), p. 140. The major works of Namier were The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III (London, 1929) and England in the Age of the American Revolution (London, 1930).

  49 Namier, “Monarchy and the Party System” in Personalities and Powers (London, 1955), p. 143.

  50 Namier, “The Character of Burke,” The Spectator, December 19, 1958.

  51 Namier, “King George III,” p. 140.

  52 Jeffrey Hart, “Burke and Radical Freedom,” The Review of Politics 29 (April 1967), p. 221.

  53 R. J. S. Hoffman and P. Levack, eds., Burke’s Politics (New York, 1959), pp. xiii, xii.

  54 Russell Kirk, “Edmund Burke and National Rights,” The Review of Politics 13, no. 4 (October 1951), pp. 16, 21, 209, 211; The Conservative Mind (New York, 1953), p. 123.

  55 P J. Stanlis, “Edmund Burke in the Twentieth Century,” in The Relevance of Edmund Burke, ed. P. J. Stanlis (New York, 1964), p. 53.

  56 Stanlis, Edmund Burke and the Natural Law (Ann Arbor, 1958), pp. 247-49.

  57 Nathan Glazer, “On Being Deradicalized,” Commentary 50, no. 4 (October 1970), p. 75.

  58 Irving Kristol, On the Democratic Idea in America (New York, 1972), pp. ix, 69, 149, 144.

  59 See E. C. Banfield, The Unheavenly City (Boston, 1970).

  60 See, for example, James Q. Wilson, Thinking About Crime (New York, 1975), as well as his numerous articles in The New York Times Magazine and Commentary.

  61 M. Oakeshott, Rationalism in Politics (London, 1962), p. 127.

  62 Edward Banfield, “In Defense of the American Party System,” in Political Parties U.S.A., ed. E. Goldwin (Chicago, 1964), pp. 37-38.

  63 Alex Bickel, “Reconsideration: Edmund Burke,” in New Republic, March 17, 1973.

  64 The editor thanks Michael Busch, yet again, for his invaluable assistance on this project.

  SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

  Ayling, S. Edmund Burke: His Life and Opinions (1988)

  Blakemore, S. Burke and the Fall of Language (1988)

  Bryant, D. C. Edmund Burke and His Literary Friends (1939)

  Canavan, F. Edmund Burke: Prescription and Providence (1987)

  Chapman, G. Edmund Burke: The Practical Imagination (1967)

  Cobban, A. Edmund Burke and the Revolt Against the Eighteenth Century (1929)

  Conniff, J. The Useful Cobbler: Edmund Burke and The Politics of Progress (1994)

  Crowe, I., ed. Edmund Burke: His Life and Legacy (1997)

  Freeman, M. Edmund Burke and the Critique of Political Radicalism (1980)

  Kirk, R. Edmund Burke: A Genius Reconsidered (1967)

  Kramnick, I. The Rage of Edmund Burke (1977)

  Macpherson, C. B. Burke (1980)

  O’Brien, C. C. The Great Melody: A Thematic Biography of Edmund Burke (1992)

  Ritchie, D. Edmund Burke: Appraisals and Appreciations (1990)

  Stanlis, P. Edmund Burke and the Natural Law (1958)

  Whelan, E Edmund Burke and India (1997)

  White, S. K. Edmund Burke: Modernity, Politics, and Aesthetics (1994)

  Wilkins, B. T. The Problem of Burke’s Political Philosophy (1969)

  A NOTE ON THE SELECTIONS

  WITH THE EXCEPTION of the pieces from The Reformer, A Notebook of Edmund Burke, and The Annual Register, all the selections in this collection, including the letters, can be found in any standard edition of Burke’s collected works. I have used the 1851 London edition in eight volumes of The Works and Correspondence of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke.

  PART I

  CULTURE AND HISTORY

  The Reformer

  While a student at Trinity College, Dublin, Burke wrote, edited, and published his own weekly periodical, The Reformer. Patterned after London’s Spectator, it ran for thirteen issues from January 28 to April 21, 1748. In these, his first published works, the nineteen-year-old Burke brashly and presumptuously criticized the pretensions—cultural, intellectual, social, and political—of his elders. Particularly interesting, given Burke’s late career, is Number 7, in which he lashes out at the privilege and splendor of the well-to-do while lamenting the misery of the Irish poor.

  NO. 4

  WE LAID IT DOWN as a Certainty in our First Paper, that Taste and Virtue had a close Connection; in Consequence to which, before we attempted to reform the Morals of the People, we began with their Taste; and the Encouragement
we have met with makes up hope, that our Industry may at last prove effectual to the Amendment of both: Several perhaps might have been alarmed, and attributed that to particular Prejudice, which was meant for the public Emolument: The Ladies might have feared this Paper was design’d to destroy their Pleasures, when its Aim was but to refine, and render them worthy their Attention.

  When we set up for Reformers, we expected a violent Opposition, therefore we enter’d boldly on our Design, and threw the Odium where we thought it due; we excus’d none thro’ Partiality, nor attacked any thro’ Prejudice, but in warring with Ignorance, we could not let those escape who publickly countenanced it, nor could we in endeavouring to overthrow Vice pass by so great an Obstacle as the Theatre, for which Reason we exposed the ill Choice of some Plays, and recommended those which we thought at once instructive and entertaining. We are very easy about those who for this Reason brand us with the Name of Party, and equally despise the Appellation, and those who give it, unless they mean, that by their Dulness they have made all Persons of Taste a Party against them, and then we Glory in the Title. But ‘twas no Hatred to particular Persons, but a Love of the Publick that gave life to this Design; and we would endeavour as much as in us lies, to infuse the same Spirit into our Readers.

  Hospitality and Public-Spirit have the same Source, namely, the Love of Mankind; yet ‘tis no less certain than surprising, that we who are remarkable for the former, discover very little of the latter, tho’ it seems more strongly enforced by Nature, yet thro’ an odd Perverseness, all People are welcome to our Favour, but those whom Nature and their own Merits make worthy of it; while several of the Nobility and Gentry, in whose power alone it is to prevent this Evil, are not only passive, but Assistants to it, as if conscious of the Poverty and Infamy their Behaviour raises to their Country, they fly it and bestow their Riches, where, as they are less wanted, the People are less thankful for them.

  Men of Virtue will require no other Incentive to doing Good than Virtue itself; but as if that was not sufficient, Providence often joins Honour and Interest in rewarding it, but to no Virtue more than this of Publick-Spirit: What can the ambitious Man hope for more, than to live where all Men honour him as a Friend or Benefactor, to meet none but those who have been made happy by his Influence, and whom his Goodness hath tied in a Relation nearer and dearer than that of Blood? such are not only Rewards for what is done, but Incentives to proceed in so honourable a Course; and surely no Country has more need of the Exertion of such a Virtue, whose Men of Fortune are not satisfied with impoverishing, but also despise it. The Complaint of our Manufactures is so generally known, we need not instance it, but let us beg leave to mention that those Gentlemen who are the most violent Decryers of them are the most easily deceived, not chusing goods from their own Knowledge, but the Shop-keeper’s Testimony of their being Foreign; what an unaccountable Temper is this, that Men must be cheated to do good! But even if our Manufactures were inferior to other Nations, (which we will by no Means allow) what is the greatest Hindrance to their Improvement, is Want of Encouragement; the Trader meeting no Reward adequate to his Labour contracts a Poverty of Spirit that restrains him from contending with Foreigners, who he knows will gain more Credit from their Name, than he from Years of Labour; whereas were our People properly zealous for their Honour, in bearing indifferent Things at first, they would shortly have Goods of equal excellence with any in Europe: And who would think his Expence ill bestow’d, because not he but his Children were to have the Reward.

  If in so few years the DUBLIN SOCIETY could be of such signal service to our Country, what might we not expect from the joint Endeavours of Nobility, Gentry, and People?

  It seems very odd that a civilized Country should labour to deserve the Name of the only Nation whose People entirely neglected their own Interest, yet such it is, that had not a few risen up for the publick Good, even the manual Arts would have wanted a Support, and all the Industry of the Trader had never made this Country emerge from Scandal or Poverty. But besides Riches there are many Things necessary to the Prosperity of a Nation, and bad as the State of Trade is, that of Science is still worse, which as the noblest may be made the most profitable Acquisition of Man. Not to mention how few Patrons of it there are, Learning is fallen into such Disrepute that an Author is generally hated or contemn’d.

  The first Reflection a good and wise Man has, after his Studies is, how to make them useful to Mankind; but he generally meets so many Obstacles from the Pride or Dulness of many that he must sit down content with the Appellation of Learned; or, if he does write, comply with the capricious Multitude, and follow the Road their vitiated Taste points out, rendring those Talents designed for their Instruction, the Debauchers both of their Taste and Manners.

  With many it is a Fault to be above the common Level in Knowledge, and to have Wit odious, because unfashionable or unintelligible;—from such Science can have no hopes; but ‘tis hard that those who owe much of their own Fortune to their Parts, should be so slow in rewarding them in others, and be so diligent in raising Funds for Folly, but none for Science. We before discover’d, that it was not what was truly valuable in our Plays that met with Applause, let us now also shew that those very Plays which the Publick esteem are less encouraged than Dancers or Singers; so that proportionably as those things decrease in real Value, they grow higher in Esteem: I have seen what they call a polite Assembly, sit in Rapture a full half hour at the Gestures of a foreign Dancer, and after reward him with the loudest Applauses, while an endeavouring Native who has racked his Lungs in their Service met with Inattention, or had his Words drowned in their Clamours. This might perhaps have proceeded from the Politeness of the Audience, who would not dishonour their Country, by ill-treating a Foreigner; but let them consider that this Complaisance is a Detriment, not to say Disgrace to our Nation; Politeness we grant in itself very laudable, but when, by Misapplication, it opposes that greater Virtue Publick-Spirit it is liable to the severest Reproach.

  We shall perhaps enlarge more another time on this Head, tho’ we are sure that the living Examples of some excellent Men will have much more Force than any thing we can say. We shall however be happy, if we can by our Writings assist in carrying on this great End, and persuade Men of Fortune to promote useful Arts, and prove their Worth consists more in the just Uses, than the bare Possession of Estates.

  NO. 6

  O let not those, of whom the Muse is scorn’d,

  Alive nor dead, be of the Muse adorn’d.

  Spenser.

  My friend Asper, tho’ sometimes too severe in his Judgment, is yet a Man of good Sense, and a Sincere Lover of his Country. In a Discourse we had the other Day on the Advancement of polite Literature in this Kingdom, he gave it as his opinion, that the Thing was impracticable: “In what Country (says he) have you heard, that the fine Arts flourished when the leading Men did not countenance them? Stop the Lifeblood at the Source, and the depending Members must necessarily perish. And what Attention can those give to Things of this Nature, who are constantly employed in the Study of accumulating Wealth, or idly spending it? I say, the Study of spending Money; for as if the old were not sufficient, they are daily finding out new Methods of Extravagance, yet never happen in all their searches on applying it to Merit. In those Pursuits, they lose the Taste of True Glory, and naturally hate these Arts, which as they are the Ornaments of good, are often the Scourges of bad Men. Yet, tho’ sunk to the lowest Pitch, they retain Ambition enough to hinder them from consorting with those whose Understanding is a Reproach to their Ignorance. But if any should happen through the extraordinary Blessing of Nature, or otherwise, to have a juster taste, he must relinquish it, or be kept in perpetual Uneasiness, by the clashing of his Sentiments with those whom he consorts with. No Man can stand out as it were from the rest of the World; for when Fools become so numerous as to over-bear the thinking part of Mankind, they get the Laugh on their Side. By these Means our Gentry become only externally distinguishable from the Vulga
r; and being inured to Vice and Folly, are pleas’d with nothing that does not Savour of them: How many good Things have been the Objects of the publick Censure? How many of the vilest have met general Approbation? Else sure Fustian playing would never be term’d Genius; Faction, Spirit; nor a Set of leaden-headed Fellows, the lowest of Mankind, set up for Men of Taste; nor books the vilest in their nature” (here he mentioned Clarissa and some other of our modern Pieces) “be accepted and universally read. These Things show the Flood of Barbarism to be at the highest, and ’tis vain to oppose it. There is a Fatality in all Things, some Ages shine with the Light of Science and Virtue, while others are buried in the grossest Darkness: These mutually and naturally succeed each other as Night does Day; and when it comes to any Nation’s Turn to fall into Ignorance, Experience shews it can no more be avoided than the Change of the Seasons. Men may see it, and complain of it, but it serves only to disquiet themselves, not prevent the Evil.”

  Notwithstanding the Warmth he pronounced this with, I perceived he spoke with the Air of one who prophesies what he fears, and wishes his Predictions may prove false.

  I answered with my usual calmness, “That the Encouragement of bad Things was not the peculiar Fault of this Age, as in all Times Block-heads at their first Appearance had the best Reception; and as to what he said of our great People having shewn themselves such able Politicians; that to have a Taste beside for the polite Arts, was perhaps more than human Nature would allow; and as they could not give their Attention to them, they might be easily deceived and take bad Writers for good ones for fear of which, they encourage none at all, and so are sure not to be mistaken.”

  This Discourse threw me into a serious Reflection on the State of Learning, and the more I considered it, the more Reason I had to fear the Truth of my Friend’s Assertions.